This not only explains the range of structural phenomena differentiating DFComp clauses and embedded questions, but also a key semantic property of the former, namely their speech-act denotation. This illocutionary projection prevents syncretism of the clause-typing and the criterial projections, the default option in plain embedded clauses. I argue that the contrast is caused by the presence in the left periphery of these clauses of an illocutionary projection (Haegeman 2004, 2006 Coniglio and Zegrean 2012 Woods 2016b) between the leftmost projection, here identified as Haegeman’s (2004) SubP, and the criterial interrogative projections (InterP and QembP). Spanish doubly filled complementizer (DFComp) clauses differ from plain embedded questions in a number of respects (availability of discourse-related projections, islandhood, sequence of tenses, licensing of discourse particles). in a type of clause which is held to be lower in a scale of clausehood than the argument clauses of predicates of belief and 15 5 2 2 2 4 3 2 4 mso-font-charset:0 mso-generic-font-family:auto mso-font-pitch:variable mso-font-signature:3 0 0 0 1 0 }p.MsoNormal, li.MsoNormal, div.MsoNormal In the variety explored in this paper, this only happens in the argument clauses of causative, directive, and volitional predicates, i.e. The pattern deviates from Sequence-of-Tense grammar in not giving rise to double access effects. On the basis of corpus and experimental evidence, this paper claims that the ongoing process of change affecting the use and interpretation of the pattern in subjunctive argument clauses in some Spanish varieties is sensitive to the syntactic/semantic type of the clause.
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